PARIS, March 23 (Reuters) – At 8 p.m. on April 21, 2002, voters learned the shock first-round results of France’s presidential election. For the first time in the Republic’s history, a far-right candidate – Jean-Marie Le Pen – would advance to the runoff.
Minutes later, Lionel Jospin addressed his supporters. The leading candidate of the left, who many had believed would be the next president, said he took full responsibility for the unexpected defeat.
As cries rose from the crowd, Jospin – pale but composed – announced that he was withdrawing from political life.
The Socialist prime minister would never again hold elected office.
Asked years later about that career-ending poll, he said: “One may regret not having had the chance to prove oneself when there was a single step left to climb, and one stumbled before that step.”
It was a typically restrained reflection from a politician often viewed as austere.
Jospin, who was unable to convert his leadership of France’s government at the turn of the century into a winning presidential bid, has died aged 88, two sources in his Socialist party said on Monday.
The cause was not immediately known.
‘NO TO A MARKET SOCIETY’
As prime minister from 1997 to 2002, Jospin cut working hours, extended free healthcare and introduced civil unions that gave unmarried couples, both gay and straight, equal rights to those who married.
A progressive politician, he nonetheless advocated fiscal restraint and sold more state assets to the private sector than any of his predecessors – a middle ground summarised by his slogan “Yes to the market economy, no to a market society”.
“For a time, Lionel Jospin was able to revive reformist politics which, after so many years of crisis, reconciled economic progress with social progress,” the editor-in-chief of France’s Le Monde newspaper wrote on April 22, 2002.
But for all his efforts, the bespectacled, white-haired Socialist never truly endeared himself to voters. His serious manner, coupled with his marriage to philosopher Sylviane Agacinski, fed the sense of a buttoned-up premier more comfortable with policy briefs than with whipping up enthusiasm.
His score in 2002 – 16.18% to Le Pen’s 16.86% – ended his hopes of occupying the Élysée presidential palace.
Le Pen roundly lost the runoff to centre-right President Jacques Chirac. But Jospin never made his way back to frontline politics.
‘AN AUSTERE PERSON WHO LAUGHS’
Born in a middle-class Parisian suburb in 1937, Lionel Robert Jospin inherited from his Protestant parents both the rigour of their faith and the militancy of their socialist politics – in a country that is historically Catholic yet secular on matters of public life.
His father, Robert Jospin, was a schoolteacher and organiser of the French Section of the Workers’ International, the predecessor to the Socialist Party Jospin would eventually come to lead. His mother, Mireille Dandieu, was a midwife who later became a nurse and school social worker.
In 1956 he attended the Institute of Political Studies in Paris, and graduated to the École Nationale d’Administration, the training ground of France’s governing elite, where he became a Trotskyist. He joined the Internationalist Communist Organisation and took the code-name Comrade Michel.
Jospin joined the French foreign ministry in 1965, but, amid student protests against President Charles de Gaulle in 1968, he quit and went to study in the United States.
Returning to France in 1970, he went on to lecture on economics at a university in Paris for over a decade.
He surrounded himself with a social circle of Left Bank intellectuals, including Agacinski, whom he married in 1994. But Jospin challenged coarse accounts of his personality. In 1999, he told journalists: “When you finally understand that I am a rigid person who evolves, an austere person who laughs, and an atheist Protestant, you will write less nonsense.”
‘FLEXIBLE ON MEANS’
He joined the Socialist Party in 1971. Rising through its ranks, he became one of President François Mitterrand’s trusted lieutenants and guided younger figures including future president François Hollande.
Mitterrand, whom he called a mentor, showed him that politics was “a will, an art, a culture and a skill”, he later told Le Nouvel Observateur magazine. But by the 1990s, Jospin emerged at the head of a group critical of the Mitterrand years.
In 1995, he narrowly lost his first presidential bid – to Chirac. Two years later, Chirac called a snap parliamentary poll that gave the left control of the National Assembly and forced the president to live with a government of opposite political stripe, led by Jospin.
Footage from election night captured Jospin jotting notes on a pad as early results came in, already planning his future government.
Largely leaving matters of foreign policy to Chirac, Jospin managed national affairs. Despite leading a coalition of Socialists, Communists and Greens, he abandoned many of the ideologies of his youth.
The former Trotskyist, who belatedly acknowledged his radical past, embarked on a programme of economic liberalisation. He privatised major state-owned companies and accepted public sector cuts to enable France’s entry to the European single currency.
Under his tenure, the country saw a sustained period of growth and a fall in unemployment, thanks in part to the creation of some 300,000 public-sector jobs for the young and his decision to cut the basic working week from 39 to 35 hours – a change praised by unions and criticised by many businesses.
The mix of progressive and liberal reforms led to conflict as much with the private sector as with his coalition partners.
“Remain firm on ends, be flexible on means,” he once said, a maxim that guided him through ideological storms.
‘I AVOIDED EVERY SCANDAL’
In an interview four days before the 2002 presidential election, Jospin dismissed the prospect of coming third as fanciful.
But what had seemed a conventional rematch between Chirac and Jospin was upended by Le Pen’s high score and competition from numerous left-wing candidates.
Jospin finished behind Le Pen, triggering mass street protests. Chirac eventually won by a landslide thanks to a big left-wing vote that plumped for him.
“I overestimated the extent to which Jacques Chirac was rejected, and I overestimated how positively the public viewed my record,” he told documentary filmmaker Patrick Rotman in 2010. “I underestimated the impact that the left’s divisions had. I underestimated the first round.”
Asked about his failures to win more votes than Chirac, who was found guilty after retirement of funding phantom work for political friends at the taxpayer’s expense, he spoke of sticking to principles.
“For my part, I simply strove in politics to respect the rules, to cultivate the principles of the Republic, to be honest and to keep my commitments,” he told Rotman.
He spoke with pride of leading a government that “worked well for five years and avoided every scandal”.
After that, he briefly weighed running for office once again, but withdrew, clearing the path for Socialist Ségolène Royal’s unsuccessful presidential bid in 2007.
In 2012, President François Hollande appointed Jospin head of his Commission on renewal and ethics in public life, tasked with cleaning up French politics from corruption.
Having won plaudits for his professionalism, he had largely avoided the scandals and sleaze that sullied many of his opponents in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
He is survived by Agacinski and his children from an earlier marriage, composer Hugo and visual artist Eva.
Jospin, who came before an era when political leaders reached out to voters on social networks, was among the last of a kind of old-school French politician – tied more closely to textbooks and regulation than crowd-pleasing spin.
But his approach ultimately failed to keep the left’s varied factions aligned.
In 2002, each of the four parties that had joined his coalition government put forward a candidate. Had just two of them backed his campaign, he would have come first in the poll’s opening round, he reflected in an interview with France Info 20 years later.
Of his decision, on election night, to take full responsibility for the loss, he noted wryly: “I acted as if I only blamed myself.”
(Editing by Olivier Holmey)
